Three Decades of Relationship: Tracing The Trajectory Of India-Israel Defence And Strategic Cooperation

India and Israel formally established diplomatic relations on  29 January 1992. This year marks the 30th anniversary of India-Israel relations. In this short span of three decades, the relationship between these two countries have grown manifolds. Both the countries in the bid to diversify their relations are now extensively engaged in multiple areas ranging from defence and security cooperation to agriculture and water management, from trade and business to space-tech and cyber cooperation. 

In this short span of just three decades, Israel has become a major supplier of defence equipment to India, standing second to Russia on a few occasions whereas India has become the biggest market for Israeli weapons. According to the data furnished by the Indian Ministry of Defence (MoD), Israel was ahead of Russia in 2013–2014 and 2015–2016, in terms of the number of defence contracts signed. 

In the decade spanning from the year 2000 to 2010, the bilateral defence trade was estimated to be around USD 10 billion. India was the top recipient of Israeli arms, accounting 42% of the total Israeli arms export as revealed in a report titled “Trends in International Arms Transfer” published by the Stockholm Peace Research Institute (SIPRI). The relationship between these two countries appears to have acquired strategic significance. From sales of weapons to technology transfer and from research and development to Joint Ventures (JVs), both the countries have swiftly upgraded their relationship to strategic levels. 

Having successfully collaborated in high-profile areas to develop Medium Range Surface to Air Missile (MRSAM) and Long-Range Surface to Air Missile (LRSAM) named Barak-8, both countries have also ventured into the domain of space. One such collaborative venture between India and Israel in the domain of space was materialised in 2008, when India successfully launched an Israeli reconnaissance satellite TecSAR-1 in exchange for an X-band Synthetic Aperture Radar (SAR) installed on India’s RISAT-2 (Radar Imaging Satellite with all-weather capability). Although the cooperation in the domain of space is still to achieve its full potential, the intent to collaborate on a larger scale was well reflected when a MoU for cooperation in the field of space was signed in 2018. The status of trade and commerce has also drastically improved from a modest US $ 200 million in 1992 to US$ 5.19 billion in 2011 and stood at US $4.14 billion (excluding defence) in 2020. The burgeoning bilateral ties between India and Israel presents a very promising picture for both the countries to further engage and profit from this symbiotic engagement.  

Historical Overview

The existing bonhomie between these two countries stands in complete contrast to their relationship in the past. A historical examination portrays a very different picture of the relationship which was informal, episodic and unofficial in its nature. As aptly described by Professor P.R. Kumaraswamy, the state of affairs between India and Israel, since their independence cannot be called “relations” rather “non-relation” was the distinctive feature of their interaction up till 1992. India had voted against the UN Partition for Palestine. Although India recognized Israel as a nation-state in the year 1948, it refrained from establishing diplomatic relations. India was critical of Israeli actions during the Suez Crisis and Six-Day War against the Arabs and stood behind the Arab countries, in extending its diplomatic support. India, in past also voted to pass the UN resolution 3379 which condemned “Zionism as a form racism and racial discrimination” against Israel. In fact, India was the first non-Arab country to recognize the Palestinian declaration of independence in the year 1988 which was by followed by the opening of Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) Embassy at New Delhi. All these anecdotes are enough to understand that India’s attitude towards Israel in the past was cold.

It is important to note that India’s attitude towards Israel was not driven by any anti-Semitic feelings rather was guided by a mix of domestic as well as geopolitical compulsions. Firstly, India’s reluctance to have a vibrant relationship with Israel was due to its energy and economic considerations emanating from its reliance on Arab countries for oil and remittances, sent by expatriate Indians working in these Gulf countries. Secondly, India supported the Palestinian cause in line with its anti-colonial stance which was coupled with the sensitivities of its Muslim minority population who were very sympathetic to the cause of Palestine against Israel. Another factor which contributed to India's hesitancy was driven by the fear that any positive overture towards Israel could have created a strategic opening for Pakistan to mobilise the support of fellow Islamic countries against India on Kashmir by giving it a religious undertone. 

In contrast to India’s attitude, Israel was very much eager to establish formal relations with India. On an emotional front, recognising the fact that India never had any history of anti-Semitism and the Jews in India, prospered and thrived without any discrimination, Israeli eagerness was also guided by its national interest. In its early years as a new country in 1948, Israel was seeking recognition and diplomatic acceptance from the countries around the world. India being a newly independent country, was a member of Commonwealth of Nations and was also the founding member of Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). Having official relations with India would have added diplomatic muscle to Israel. Therefore, Israeli attitude towards India was always warm and patient. Israel extended its support to India in its conflict with China in 1962 and subsequently with Pakistan in 1965 and 1971 by supplying India with weapons and ammunition. There were episodes of intelligence cooperation between the two countries, prior to the establishment of formal diplomatic relations in 1992.  Post 1962 war with China, Israeli Intelligence Chief and the Chief of the Israeli Army visited India for consultations with the top brass of the Indian military establishment. The secret relations between India’s R&AW and Israeli Mossad, prior to the establishment of formal diplomatic relations between the two, has also been highlighted by Adrian Levy and Scott-Clark in their book “Spy Stories”.

Establishment of Diplomatic Relations 

The end of the Cold War and the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1989, had radically changed the international strategic balance resulting in the emergence of the United States of America as the sole superpower. Prior to the disintegration, the Soviet Union was the largest supplier of defence equipment to India. Its disintegration resulted in fragmentation of the Russian Military Industrial Complex which got dispersed in 15 different countries. An overnight disruption of this scale and magnitude had left almost 3500 suppliers of Indian defence equipment spread all across different countries, presenting India policy makers with a precarious situation. This prevailing condition was coupled with the Madrid Peace Process and normalisation of Russia-Israel ties followed by China establishing full diplomatic relations with Israel. India closely monitored this radical sequence of international events and decided to give a pragmatic turn to its foreign policy orientation resulting in formal establishment of diplomatic relations with Israel on 29th January, 1992, under the leadership of P.V Narasimha Rao. 

Dynamics of Defence and Security Ties 

The establishment of diplomatic relations marked the dawn of a new era in the saga of cooperation between the two countries. The defence and security cooperation which earlier was occasional and episodic in its nature, gained traction and today has become the hallmark of relation between the two countries. Ranging from the initial purchases of air combat manoeuvring systems for MIG fighter jets in 1996, India also acquired Soltom 155 mm self-propelled guns and jointly built Dvora MK-II navy patrol boats for maritime surveillance. With the nomination of Wing Commander NAK Browne as India’s first defence attaché to Israel in the year 1997, military diplomacy gained traction and since then has played an important role in forging strong military ties with Israel.

The Kargil War cemented India’s cooperation with Israel. Israel came to India’s aid by supplying the Indian Air Force with “Litening” targeting pods mounted on Mirage fighter jets. These targeting pods were crucial for converting over 1000 dumb bombs into laser guided munitions, which proved crucial in targeting the enemy’s position on Kargil heights. The Kargil War further established the credibility of Israel as a defence partner, which came to India’s support at the time when India was facing sanctions in the aftermath of Pokhran Nuclear Test, 1998. 

The next big-ticket deal between India and Israel was the acquisition of Phalcon AWACS. This deal was signed in 2004. This 1.1 billion USD deal for airborne early warning and control (AEW&C) system boosted the capabilities of the Indian Air Force to track troop movements and air activities, deep behind the enemy lines. In the due course, India acquired a range of hi-tech Israeli weapon systems including Heron and Searcher UAVs for intelligence and reconnaissance, air-defence systems such as BARAK-LR and SPYDER, surface to air missiles like Barak-1, Beyond Visual Range Air to Air Missiles (BVRAAM) like Derby and Python-5. 

The joint development of Barak-8, Medium Range Surface to Air Missile (MRSAM) and Long-Range Surface to Air Missile (LRSAM) was another achievement for Indo-Israeli defence cooperation. A joint development of a weapon-system requires phenomenal understanding and trust between the two governments, their bureaucracy, scientists as well as their technicians. Achieving such a feat in less than three decades of relationship, is no ordinary achievement and speaks volumes about the ongoing partnership. 

Aerostat balloons, assault rifles like Tavor-X195 and Galil, electronic suites and avionics, Thermal Imaging Stand Alone Systems (TISAS), also add up to India’s purchase of Israeli weapons. In October-2021, the India-Israel Joint Working Group (JWG) on Defence Cooperation  agreed to constitute a Task-Force to chart-out a ten-year roadmap to identify new areas of defence cooperation. This is an attempt to further strengthen defence and security ties. 

Apart from purchase of weapons systems, India and Israel cooperate extensively in the domain of counter-terrorism. The genesis of counter-terror cooperation between these two countries, has its root in their fight against Islamic extremism. In the year 2000, India’s Home Minister, Lal Krishna Advani visited Israel along with the directors of Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), Intelligence Bureau (IB), Border Security Forces (BSF), where he met President Ezer Weizman, Prime Minister Ehud Barak and former Prime Minister Shimon Peres. Advani’s delegation then also met with heads of Israeli Mossad and Shin Bet to formalise the channels for counter-terror cooperation. This was followed by the visit of India’s External Affairs Minister, Jaswant Singh who met President Ezer Weizman and Prime Minister Ehud Barak to set-up a ministerial level joint commission for cooperation in combating terrorism. This visit was reciprocated by Israeli counter-terror team led by Eli Katzir to formally launch Indo-Israeli Joint Working Group (JWG) on counter-terrorism, in New Delhi. So, far multiple meetings of Indo-Israeli JWG had been held and a range of issue related to counter-terrorism has been discussed.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi, became India’s first ever Prime Minister to visit Israel. He has de-hyphenated India’s Israel policy by conducting India’s relations with Israel and Palestine separately. Earlier, India’s relation with Israel was viewed through the lens of Israel-Palestine conflict. Of late, the frequency of political and military visits from India to Israel and vice-versa has also increased.  In his recent visit to Israel, the Chief of the Indian Army, General M M Naravane also discussed the issues of counterterrorism, border security and stressed on sharing of knowledge related to these areas for developing an effective response mechanism. For India, the counter-terror cooperation with Israel is less oriented towards strategy and tactics and more oriented towards acquiring technologies such as UAVs for surveillance & reconnaissance, smart border fencing and underground tunnel tracking devices mounted with advanced sensors to prevent cross-border infiltrations. 

India provides Israel with a huge market for its defence exports while Israel is crucial for India in acquiring cutting-edge defence technologies. India is the largest importer of Israeli weapons and thus is a crucial country for Israeli defence industry to grow and prosper.  On the other hand, Israel is perfectly aligned with India’s attempt to modernise its Armed Forces and develop India’s defence manufacturing base. Israel is a perfect partner for India’s Make in India programme as both the countries have (i) the experience of working on joint development of weapon systems and (ii) Israel has always supplied India with critical and cutting-edge technology without putting any conditions related to technology transfer and its use. 

The symbiotic nature of this relationship is compounded by the democratic values which both the countries share in common and the similarity of threat posed by asymmetric warfare in the face of terrorism creates opportunities for both the countries to cooperate. The potential for this bilateral relation to grow and prosper is enormous as both the countries are now enhancing their cooperation in the domain cyber-security and space technology by giving it commercial angle beside its defence usage. The start-up ecosystem in India and Israel are slowly collaborating in niche areas paving the way for future cooperation. 

(Harsh Kumar Upadhyaya is a Doctoral Fellow at Indian Institute of Technology (IIT), Madras)

Harsh Kumar Upadhyaya

Guest Author Doctoral Fellow, Indian Institute of Technology (IIT), Madras